Wednesday, March 6, 2019
Plato â⬠The Republic, Machiavelli â⬠The Prince, Hobbes â⬠Leviathan Essay
1. The Lessons of NatureThe well-nigh important lesson I believe I have learned about(predicate) modern and historic politics from my culture of Plato, Machiavelli, and Hobbes, is that Western society has historic each(prenominal)y viewed politics as a expressive style to grapple with human reputation and the self-concerns which are believed to drive human behavior. Although this wisdom of human nature has opposing views among Western philosophers such(prenominal) as Locke, I took the collective impact of The nation, The Prince, and Leviathan as penetrating penetrations into the hierarchical and self-interested aspects of benignity, which in both(prenominal) ways, by some points of view faceed contrary, to me, to the essential viewpoint and philosophical berth which may be necessary for Western society to embrace in the future.So an important insight for me, in fact, the most important insight in my opinion is that these majuscule philosophers de n atomic number 53, to a very large degree, the visions of the past, and humors about politics, which, while hush very current, are probably sharp to pullulate in the future. peerless might even go so far as to suggest that the accede, with its global discord and challenges presents a time of punctuated counterweight for Western philosophical and giving medicational thought.2. Hobbes Lesson of the LeviathanTo begin with, viewing the massive, sometimes oppressively omnipotent government in contemporary times as some topic which is not only necessary, notwithstanding in fact demonstrates both the triumph of humanity over the hostilities of nature, merely also the attainment of equitableice is sometimes delicate for me to see. On the other hand, I have no issue with seeing that many other sight, and in fact, people in positionful positions in government, belive this completely. When Hobbes writes that Hitherto I have set forth the nature of Man, (whose experience and other Passions have com pelled him to submit himselfe to Government) together with the great forcefulness of his Governour, whom I compared to Leviathan, taking that comparison out of the two last verses of the unitary and fortieth of Job where God having set forth the great office staff of Leviathan, calleth him King of the Proud (Waller,1901, p. 231), I shudder to theorize that actual people in positions of power in the real world believe this as gospel. I think, specialisedally, of the Bush administrations recent attempt to lucubrate presidential authority There is nothing, saith he, on earth, to be compared with him. He is do so as not to be afraid. Hee seeth every high thing below him and is King of all the children of pride. (Waller, 1901, p. 231)3. The Lesson of the Modern PresidencyThe logical egress of the modern vision of the President as the leader of a specific policy-making party, rather than the Constitutional conception of the President as a non-partisan arbiter of the Congress, is that individual Presidential candidates, rather than the political parties themselves, would emerge as the foremost consideration in Presidential elections. Hobbes Leviathan needs a headway and in modern times his admonition, quoted below, seems especially frighteningThe maintenance of Civill Society, depending on Justice and Justice on the power of Life and Death, and other lesse Rewards and Punishments, residing in them that have the Soveraignty of the Common-wealth It is impossible a Common-wealth should stand, where any other than the Soveraign, hath a power of giving greater rewards than Life and of inflicting greater punishments, then Death(Waller, 1901, p. 326)In practical terms, the rise of the candidate campaign has eliminated the old method of platform politics where a political parties ideological and issue-related stances are measured against ace another with the direct contest between one candidate and another. One clear exit of this practice is that individual candi dates are now most dissected by the media and by prospective voters to measure their probable characters and defects. The fascination with individual manners, faux pas, manner of dress, speech, religious affiliation, past memberships in loving organizations or clubs, or even past associations with friends or acquaintances now play, arguably, a more than important billet than issues in recent Presidential elections.In modern Presidential politics, the political parties often seem akin afterthoughts. The present day situation presents a precisely opposite vision of a Constitutional model for the the Statesn Presidency. Because the Presidential candidates are now regarded as leaders of their respective parties and not simply as nominees of them, the presentiment is that a given candidate will follow, to partisan exclusion, the aims and desires of his or her party. In fact, the expectation in modern politics is that the party and the candidate are almost identical, but that in the long run executive, rather than democratic, authority is the utmost word. An entire library of observations could be written about the expansion of Presidential authority indeed, the tyranny of Presidential authority relative to political parties which is exemplified by the Bush administration.4. The Lesson of Plato and SlaveryWhen reading political ism, I am un observationably aware of historical relationships that might seem a bit odd to others. Therefore, my thinking about not only the historical, but contemporary, impact of African American slavery in America while reading Platos Republic may seem off-beat at first, but the thought-process I underwent, and the conclusions I drew are part of the important lessons about political philosophy I learned from class-readings. One thing that stood out for me in all three writers was the hierarchical fundamental assumptions that comprised the core-beliefs of all three philosophers works. An workout of this rigid, hierarchical thi nking is found in the following passage of the Republicthey should receive the laws from us in the finest possible way like a dye, so that their opinion about whats terrible and about everything else would be color- fast because they had gotten the proper nature and rearing, and their dye could not be water-washed out by those lyes so terribly effective at scouring, joy(Plato,1991, p.108)The kind of cultural schism encouraged by this kind of thinking, is, in reality, both profound and of long duration. I started to wonder what it would be like if one ruling class, reared on the airy ideas of Plato, the objective and hierarchical ideas of Hobbes, and the self-interested program line of Machiavelli enacted the principles set forth in these philosophies, not as mere ideas, but as deep culturally encoded principles. Obviously, it was not a stretch to think fo the history of African Americans, first subjected to the tyranny of slavery, then shed into the role of other after the Civil War and the Emancipation annunciation ended slavery, who became a culture without any individuality other than that which had been compress upon them from their former masters.yet, African Americans were cast into an equally prejudicial cultural role in America and this time, the justification for both Northerners and Southerners was that slavery, though evil, had at least allowed for the humanization of the African race. This deep-seated racism obstructed any feel for the African Americans in the post Civil War era to pair a specifically African American culture of their one making and instead cast them back into a role very connatural to the one they had occupied as slaves. The institution of slavery in America was malicious enough and long-lasting enough to genuinely sever African Americans from their historic cultural roots. The loss of their indigenous culture gave rise to crown of thorns African American cultures and a search for African American identity which, although many gains in civil liberties and social awareness have taken place, continues to this day.My thought is that any distinction of hierarchy where the intimation is that the rule of one class over another is both natural and necessary, will result in the erosion of culture in both the ruling and subjected classes. Plato ridicules such an ideaif the people are discontented and say that it is not just for a son in his prime to be supported by his father, but the reverse, the father should be supported by the son and that they didnt beget and set him up so that when he had grown great they should be slaves to their own slaves and support him and the slaves along with other flotsam, but so that with him as leader they would be freed from the rich and those who are said to be gentlemen in the metropolis and they now bid him and his comrades to go away from the city like a father driving a son along with his trouble- some drinking fellows out of the house?(Plato, 1991, p. 118)However, I would suggest that the historical case of African American slavery represents a very apt model for how the political philosophies of hierarchy can lead to enduring subversive activity because the contemporary political situation of the United States both domestically and internationally, is still very much connected to race and race-based hierarchies. By following Hobbes idea that the ruled must be led by their rulers, or Platos idea that the ruled should be indoctrinated to love their station in life, or Machiavellis idea that the ruled should be placated or tricked by their rulers into a state of passivity, there is a feeling in my mind that an altogether different mode of thinking could be and should be engaged, not to vindicate, but to rescue the world from the antiquated philosophies of the past.5. The Lesson of Machiavelli and AssassinationThe point at which the self-interest of leaders becomes, itself, the most dangerous threat to any nation, culture, or society, is among t he most important lessons I learned from the class readings and I most specifically learned this from reading The Prince, which I found to be, like Hobbes and Plato, much more illuminating on the subject of how Western society has viewed itself and its political institutions than as a penetrating glimpse into humanitys essential nature or future cultural and political existence.Machiavelli stresses that all acts of a political nature are rooted in self-interest. It is not a way out of public-service, but of public passivity and censure that drives the politician. Speaking of Oliverottos polish off of his enemies, Machiavelli remarks After this murder, Oliverotto mounted his horse, paraded through the town, and besieged the chief officials in the government palace so that out of fear they were forced to obey him and to pay a government of which he made himself prince (Machiavelli, 1998, p. 32). Implicit in this remark is not only the idea that murder can be an utile political str ategy but that any political act is partly only what it is perceived to be. Machiavelli mentions of Oliveratto And when all those were killed who, because they were discontented, might have harmed him, he modify himself by instituting new civil and military institutions so that, in the quadruplet of the year that he held the principality,(Machiavelli, 1998, p. 32).In conclusion, the political philosophies of Hobbes, Machiavelli, and Plato represent a compel collection of ideas which seem to have driven Western politics for centuries. However strong the rational conclusions, observations, and inspired thoughts of these past philosophers to my mind none of the theories offered seem to address the issues which seem most problematic and current in contemporary society. By following the ideas in these philosophical systems which elevate self-interest, social schism, warfare, and political expedience, the social, political, and cultural resources of the West are weakened, not strength ened.
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